Cities and the Sky: Closed Systems
On its most basic level, “closed” urbanism refers to the stagnancy and isolation created by heavy-handed planning. “The basic principle of a closed system,” Sennett argues in his essay “The Public Realm,” “is over-determined form” [1] He believes that this problem arises when structures and urban layouts are designed according to a single vision, and indicates Le Corbusier’s plan for the reconstruction of Paris as a prime example [2]. Indeed, Le Corbusier wrote in “The City Of Tomorrow” of “a theoretically water-tight formula” for planning the ideal form of a town or city, basing his analysis on geometric forms and precise hierarchies [3]. The essential dispute raised between the two authors is one of control: to what degree should urban designers attempt to regulate the flows and patterns of a city?
In my first unit assignment, I discussed the garage that once stood in Boston’s Post Office Square as an example of Sennett’s functional concerns with this type of control. Built to serve the growing parking needs of downtown Boston, the garage instead became a dilapidated eyesore thanks to its inability to accommodate the need for a public gathering space. Although it was not constructed according to any “master plan,” the garage still serves as a mark against Le Corbusier’s ends-based urban strategy. While able to fulfill its original purpose, it was unable to adapt to the evolving needs of an urban population.
“Closed” urbanism, however, can also be critiqued using a cultural lens. In his 1964 poem “For the Union Dead,” Robert Lowell paints a bleak picture of modernization in Boston that closely echoes my own view of the Post Office Square garage. He writes: “Behind their cage, / yellow dinosaur steamshovels were grunting / as they cropped up tons of mush and grass / to gouge their underworld garage. / Parking spaces luxuriate like civic / sandpiles in the heart of Boston” [4] Lowell’s distaste for the physical effects of development is evident in his word choice: shovels violently “gouge” into the Common, and parking spaces are unsightly “sandpiles.” Yet he also uses this critique as part of a broader assault on the crass commercialism of the city’s new Irish-American leadership, in contrast to the dignified airs of his own Brahmin class [5]. Both Lowell’s garage and my own are “closed” structures, but Lowell also attacks the sociopolitical agenda behind the urban vision that created his.
This is echoed on a grand scale in our unit on Russia. Both of the cities we studied—St. Petersburg and Moscow—have undergone successive waves of refurbishment, to fit their status as the country’s semiotic emblems of “national identity,” and both have suffered from subsequent consequences. In my blog post on Moscow, I reviewed Josef Brodsky’s depiction of St. Petersburg in his essay “Guide to a Renamed City,” noting his characterization of the city as “frozen” and artificial. Brodsky claims that St. Petersburg’s classical European structures “have nothing to do with the present and still less with the future,” and that they “[ignore] these new times and their concerns” [6]. Fastened in time, the structures created by Peter the Great are relics of his now-vanished agenda, out of step with the culture of a modern Russia.
In a similar vein, I used the Moscow unit assignment to discuss several casualties of the 1930s Stalinist program of renovations in that city. These renovations hurt the city’s urban life in favor of Stalin’s monolithic agenda. Jane Jacobs, with her love of tightly knit street-level communities [7], would have been horrified to see the narrow medieval alleyways of the Zaryadye district demolished to make way for a monumental “Seven Sisters” skyscraper. As Sennett argues, such structures form opaque barriers with the outside world, and are meant “as objects to be looked at, to be viewed, as with other theatrical spectacles” [8]. Zaryadye was an example of organic, or “open,” urban development, as were the walls of Kitai-Gorod, which served as social gathering spaces for the surrounding community. Their demolishment may have cleared the way for Stalin’s agenda, but only at enormous cost.
The common thread running throughout all of these examples is an objection to excessive control in urban design. Sennett’s objection to Corbusier’s master plan mirrors Lowell’s to the development of Boston Common, as well as Brodsky’s to the artificiality of St. Petersburg. Similarly, both Post Office Square and Zaryadye have suffered from urban blight in the wake of their development. Whether cultural or functional, a “closed” design can spell disaster for a city’s continued vitality.
- Sennett, Richard. “The Public Space.” The Blackwell City Reader. 2nd ed., Malden, MA, Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Print. 263.
- Ibid.
- Le Corbusier. “The City of Tomorrow and its Planning.” Blackwell. 345.
- Lowell, Robert. “For the Union Dead.” For the Union Dead. New York, Farrar, Straus &Amp; Giroux, 1964. Print.
- Vendler, Helen, The Given and the Made: Strategies of Poetic Redefinition. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1995. Print. 13-17.
- Brodsky, Josef. “Guide to a Renamed City.” 1979. Online: Harvard Computer Society, 2016. Accessed 9 December 2016.
- Jacobs, Jane. “The Death and Life of Great American Cities.” Blackwell. 275.
- Sennett, Blackwell 266.


